Discussions surrounding decentralization have long been a pivotal topic in Papua New Guinea (PNG) politics, tracing back to before the nation’s independence. The establishment of PNG’s provinces was influenced by the centralized governance during Australian colonial rule, primarily driven by leaders from Bougainville who voiced concerns about their inclusion in PNG, even prior to the development of the Panguna mine.
Since the provinces were formed in 1976, gubernatorial laws have witnessed multiple iterations, with a significant change occurring in 1995 through the Organic Law on Provincial Governments and Local Level Governments (OLPGLLG). The concept of “special autonomy” gained traction during this period, yet its implications for urban and rural populations in PNG remain unclear. In contrast, leaders from provinces like East New Britain (ENB), Enga, and New Ireland still seek this status, while Bougainville was granted special autonomy as part of a peace agreement in 2001.
As part of PhD research, recent fieldwork focused on understanding the local interpretations of special autonomy in Bougainville and East New Britain. The Bougainville Peace Agreement (BPA) encompasses three core pillars: autonomy, weapons disposal, and a referendum. The grant of autonomy led to the creation of a local Constitution for Bougainville, empowering its parliament with increasing rights over time. These pillars are largely perceived as steps toward independence rather than permanent arrangements, which explains the overwhelming pro-independence sentiment expressed in the 2019 referendum, where 98.31 percent favored independence over enhanced autonomy.
With autonomy granted in 2005 to what is formally recognized as the Autonomous Region of Bougainville (ARoB), many locals are perplexed by the slow response from the national government regarding the referendum—a process they deem essential. While there is widespread support for autonomy and independence across Bougainville, dissatisfaction remains regarding the effectiveness of the special autonomy framework, especially in the rural Konnou Constituency of South Bougainville, where government presence and services are scarce. One local expressed frustration, saying, “Regarding autonomy, I think we are just going according to the name only and the bones of it, but we have not tasted the meat of it yet.”
In nearby villages, sentiments are echoed where locals believe autonomy remains unfulfilled, comparing it to a newborn that has yet to reveal its beauty, simply stating, “We just plant, harvest, eat, wait to die.” Conversations with provincial civil servants and former combatants reveal a consensus that the complex process of implementing autonomy has been hindered by bureaucratic delays and national political dynamics.
While the Sharp Agreement aims to expedite the transfer of powers from Port Moresby to Buka, the process is still extensive, necessitating legislation, departmental structuring, and policy drafting to translate legal rights into tangible services—presenting a challenging task to extend these benefits to remote areas. Preparations for potential independence target the year 2027, with dedicated civil servants striving to bring governance closer to the populace.
East New Britain has a historical backdrop of leaders advocating for regional control over local resources and governance. The Mataungan Association of the late 1960s to early 1970s resisted colonial agricultural and land policies, while discussions on secession emerged in the 1980s and 1990s. The formation of a body seeking special autonomy status in 2001 arose from discontent with the 1995 OLPGLLG reforms that concentrated power within the national parliament. This body continues to work towards securing local administrative and political autonomy, empowering Local Level Governments (LLGs) to comprehend and exercise their authority.
Support for special autonomy is strong in urban centers like Rabaul and Kokopo, particularly among the Gunantuna people, but there is a notable divide in rural areas where residents feel marginalized. Local perspectives reflect feelings of disconnection, with some asserting that provincial governance serves mainly the interests of the Tolai community. Discontent regarding resource management persists, prompting discussions about potential district separations to form a Central New Britain Province.
In summary, the notion of special autonomy in Papua New Guinea manifests differently across provinces. In Bougainville, it is a transitional phase towards independence shaped by historical strife, while in East New Britain, it raises challenging questions about local governance and resource control amidst a backdrop of relative acceptance of PNG’s political framework.