Discussions surrounding decentralization have played a pivotal role in the political landscape of Papua New Guinea (PNG) since before it achieved independence. The Australian colonial governance model’s centralized structure led to the establishment of PNG’s provinces, largely driven by the leaders of Bougainville, who expressed concerns about their connection to PNG, particularly prior to the development of the Panguna mine.
Since the establishment of provincial governance laws in 1976, these regulations have undergone several revisions, notably with the 1995 Organic Law on Provincial Governments and Local Level Governments (OLPGLLG). The concept of “special autonomy” has gained traction, yet its implications remain largely undefined for people living in PNG’s cities, towns, and rural areas. Despite this ambiguity, leaders in provinces like East New Britain, Enga, and New Ireland aim for special autonomy status while Bougainville obtained it through a 2001 peace agreement.
During recent research conducted in Bougainville and East New Britain, the significance of special autonomy was explored among local leaders and residents. The Bougainville Peace Agreement (BPA) prioritizes three key aspects: autonomy, disarmament, and a referendum. The introduction of autonomy has facilitated the development of a unique Bougainville Constitution, endowing its parliament with progressive rights and powers. Public sentiment reflected in the 2019 referendum demonstrated overwhelming support for independence, with 98.31 percent favoring this option over greater autonomy.
Now known as the Autonomous Region of Bougainville (ARoB), the area has maintained a special constitutional status since autonomy was established in 2005. While disarmament has largely succeeded, the delayed progress on the referendum has sparked confusion and frustration among residents who view it as a fundamental issue.
Despite widespread backing for autonomy and the desire for independence, many in Bougainville express dissatisfaction with the current state of special autonomy. The rural Konnou Constituency reports a lag in government service delivery. Local voices express a sentiment of disappointment, illustrating the gap between the promise of autonomy and the realities faced by residents.
The complicated process of transferring governance powers from the national government to Bougainville has faced bureaucratic hurdles and perceived slowdowns by national leaders. While legislative progress under the Sharp Agreement has been made, practical implementation remains challenging, particularly in extending services to rural areas.
In East New Britain, a historical quest for local governance and resource control has persisted. The Mataungan Association’s resistance against colonial regulations and later discussions on secession underscore this legacy. An active group since 2001 continues to advocate for special autonomy in response to dissatisfaction with legislation that centralized power.
Support for special autonomy is prevalent in Rabaul and Kokopo, home to the dominant Tolai population, yet voices from further afield express skepticism and a perceived marginalization by provincial leadership. Residents in remote regions feel disconnected from the decision-making processes, leading to suggestions of forming a separate Central New Britain Province.
In summary, while special autonomy is an appealing concept in various provinces of Papua New Guinea, its interpretations differ significantly. In Bougainville, it symbolizes a pathway towards independence following a tumultuous history, whereas in East New Britain, it raises ongoing debates about resource control and governance dynamics between different levels of government.