Decentralisation Dilemma: The Complex Reality of Papua New Guinea’s Special Autonomy

Discussions surrounding decentralization have been a prominent topic in Papua New Guinea (PNG) politics since before the nation gained independence. The centralized governance established during Australian colonial rule led to the creation of PNG’s provinces, largely driven by the leaders of Bougainville, who expressed concerns about being part of PNG even prior to the development of the Panguna mine.

Since the establishment of provincial governance in 1976, laws governing provinces have been frequently revised, notably with the 1995 passage of the Organic Law on Provincial Governments and Local Level Governments (OLPGLLG). The concept of “special autonomy” has gained traction since then, though its implications for urban and rural populations in PNG have not been thoroughly explored. Leaders in provinces like East New Britain, Enga, and New Ireland continue to seek this status, while Bougainville received it as part of the 2001 peace agreement.

During recent fieldwork in Bougainville and East New Britain for my PhD, I sought to understand what special autonomy signifies for local leaders and citizens. The Bougainville Peace Agreement (BPA) encompasses three main components: autonomy, weapons disposal, and a referendum. Autonomy has facilitated the establishment of a local Bougainville Constitution and has empowered the provincial parliament with increasing rights and responsibilities over time. Many view these components as steps toward independence rather than a permanent arrangement, evident in the 2019 referendum where an overwhelming 98.31 percent voted for independence, rejecting the option of greater autonomy.

Having mostly completed the first two components of the BPA, the province, officially recognized as the Autonomous Region of Bougainville (ARoB), is expected to pursue the final step: the referendum. Although weapons have often been surrendered, lingering doubts remain about undisclosed arms. Many residents are puzzled by the national government’s slow progress toward the referendum, viewing it as an essential next step.

While there is widespread support for autonomy and potential independence in Bougainville, there is notable dissatisfaction with the current status of special autonomy. In the rural Konnou Constituency, government services remain limited, as illustrated by a local villager’s remarks on the lack of tangible benefits from autonomy. A nearby chief described the situation as having birthed autonomy without witnessing its true value.

Civil servants in the provincial capital, Buka, and a former ex-combatant aspiring for political office recognize that implementing autonomy is a challenging and prolonged process, largely hindered by bureaucracy and slow political maneuvering at the national level. Although an agreement has expedited some areas of this process, substantial legislative work, departmental organization, and policy drafting remain. The transition from legal frameworks to practical services, especially in remote areas, presents significant challenges. The hope remains to achieve readiness for independence by the target date of 2027.

East New Britain has a history of vocal leadership advocating for local resource control and governance. Movements like the Mataungan Association in the late 1960s and 1970s challenged colonial agricultural controls, while later discussions during the 1980s and 1990s targeted secession. The formation of a committee striving for special autonomy status in East New Britain in 2001 arose from frustrations over the national government’s centralization of provincial powers as dictated by the 1995 OLPGLLG. This committee is now committed to securing autonomy and supporting local governments in understanding their responsibilities.

In East New Britain, support for special autonomy is strong in urban centers such as Rabaul and Kokopo, predominantly inhabited by the Tolai people. However, in more remote areas, few services are accessible and support for autonomy is met with skepticism. Some citizens perceive the provincial leadership as biased towards the Tolai people, leading to feelings of marginalization among other Indigenous groups. Many residents believe that resources generated from their areas do not adequately benefit their communities, fostering desires for independence from East New Britain to form a Central New Britain Province.

In summary, while special autonomy is a popular discourse in certain provinces of Papua New Guinea, its interpretations vary significantly between Bougainville and East New Britain. For Bougainvilleans, autonomy is seen as a means to achieve independence following a turbulent history, while residents of East New Britain grapple with questions of resource control and representation within a central government framework.

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