Unearthing Deuba’s Spiritual Secrets: A Journey into Fijian Totems

In the previous edition of Point of Origin, the arrival of the first settlers in Tikina Deuba was explored. This week, we will focus on the spiritual beliefs and totemic elements associated with the community.

In traditional Fijian culture, the primary deities are often local ancestor spirits rather than universal gods. Each yavusa possesses its own guardian spirit, known as “vu,” which is primarily concerned with the well-being of its specific group. A common thread connects these spirits, as they are believed to trace their origins back to Nakauvadra, descending from the legendary first migrants, Lutunasobasoba or Degei.

William Robert Geddes, in his work “Deuba: A Study of a Fijian Village,” notes that although these legendary figures hold significant status, they play a lesser role in the spiritual lives of communities compared to the local vu. The text suggests that these earlier founders may be of greater importance to the priestly mataqali.

Accounts of ancient Fijian religion distinguish between vu and kalou vu, with the former often considered the tangible founder of a yavusa who, while immortal, had a distinct earthly existence. In contrast, kalou vu is considered purely spiritual and may never have been a physical being. Some interpretations indicate that the vu represents local spirit entities while kalou vu aligns with figures like Degei or Lutunasobasoba.

In Deuba, the vu of the Yavusa Dravuni is referred to as Gusu i Delana, characterized by his mouth positioned atop his head. This spirit originally came from Nakauvadra and is believed to manifest in three primary ways. The first manifestation is as a harmless flying ant (kadi vuka), primarily significant to the chief of the priestly mataqali.

The second manifestation occurs at night through the sound of the Kikau, a natural indicator of the vu’s presence, though it does not appear in a visible form. This sound does not carry any restrictions, whereas the Kikau can be killed without consequence, suggesting that it does not hold much value as food.

The third manifestation of the vu occurs in dreams, particularly experienced by the head of the priestly clan. Geddes recounted an instance where the vu appeared to the Tui Dravuni, identified by his unique mouth position. Following this event, the chief expressed concern for his son serving in Guadalcanal, fearing the appearance of the vu might signal danger. However, he later received news of his son’s return, realizing the vu had come to provide reassurance.

Deubans presume the vu accompanies their men who were part of the Fijian forces in the Solomon Islands, particularly when the Kikau was silent for weeks. Afterward, the Kikau sounds surfaced nightly over the head priest’s house.

Today, the Dravuni people, along with Fijians in general, no longer engage in worship practices of these spiritual beings due to the influence of church doctrine and legal prohibitions against such activities. However, spiritual elements still play a role in yaqona ceremonies, where it was traditionally prepared for the vu, believed to inspire manifestations.

Geddes recalled an incident from the Solomon Islands where a group prepared yaqona on a troop ship. They poured the first cup into the sea as an offering to secure divine protection.

In addition to this spiritual aspect, the totemic facet of Fijian religion includes a trilogy of totems for Deuba: food, fish, and a tree. The food totem is Sawaqa, a type of plantain limited to the area near Namosi, while the fish totem is Vuvula, commonly found in local waters. The totemic tree is Makosoi, whose dried blooms are used to scent coconut oil.

An important rule concerning these totems is the prohibition of mentioning their names. Violating this prohibition in the presence of women may lead to being thrown into the river, although the seriousness of this consequence appears to have diminished over time.

Geddes recounted a conversation with a chief regarding totems during a yaqona ceremony, where the chief mentioned Sawaqa quietly. The women present reacted immediately to the breach of etiquette, highlighting the customary significance surrounding the totems.

In contrast to the past, today, if an individual mistakenly mentions the totem names, it is often met with laughter rather than serious reprimand. However, frequent mention of these words is still considered in poor taste, as they possess sexual connotations in local culture.

As such, while men may feel comfortable discussing these totems amongst themselves, they generally refrain from mentioning them to outsiders, preferring to keep their totemic heritage somewhat private. Playful banter regarding the totems still persists, with a reluctance to frequently engage in such teasing due to established norms of respect and etiquette.

This article continues the exploration of Deuba’s cultural history, with further insights to follow next week.

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