Decoding Special Autonomy in Papua New Guinea: A Pathway to Independence or Just a Name?

Discussions on decentralization have been a key topic in Papua New Guinea (PNG) politics since the nation gained independence. The structure of PNG’s provinces was influenced by the highly centralized governance of Australian colonial rule, with Bougainville’s leaders voicing concerns about their integration into PNG even prior to the establishment of the Panguna mine.

Since the establishment of provincial governments in 1976, laws governing their functions have undergone several revisions, notably with the 1995 enactment of the Organic Law on Provincial Governments and Local Level Governments. The concept of “special autonomy” has gained traction since then, but its implications remain largely undefined, and the realities of implementing such autonomy for residents in PNG’s cities, towns, and villages are still unclear. Despite this, leaders from East New Britain (ENB), Enga, and New Ireland continue to pursue this status, while Bougainville was granted such autonomy through a peace agreement in 2001.

I recently visited Bougainville and East New Britain for my PhD research to understand what special autonomy signifies for local leaders and residents. The Bougainville Peace Agreement includes three main components: autonomy, weapons disposal, and a referendum. The autonomy aspect led to the creation of a local Bougainville Constitution and provided the provincial parliament with rights that would expand over time. These components are generally viewed as steps toward independence, which partly explains the overwhelming support for independence in the 2019 referendum, where 98.31 percent voted in favor compared to the alternative of enhanced autonomy.

Bougainville has been formally recognized as the Autonomous Region of Bougainville since it was granted autonomy in 2005. Although most weapons have been surrendered and destroyed, some remain hidden, leading to confusion among residents who wonder why the national government is delaying the pivotal referendum, which they consider essential.

Support for autonomy and independence is prevalent throughout Bougainville, yet many citizens feel discontent with the current state of special autonomy. The rural Konnou Constituency in South Bougainville is particularly underserved by government policies and services. A villager in Wisai voiced, “Regarding autonomy, I think we are just going according to the name only and the essence of it, but we have not truly experienced its benefits.”

In another village, a chief compared autonomy to a newborn whose beauty has yet to be revealed, emphasizing a sense of stagnation in their daily lives. Local civil servants in Buka, along with a former combatant aspiring for the presidency, acknowledge that the process of implementing autonomy is complex and has been slowed by bureaucratic hurdles imposed by national authorities.

Translating autonomy into practical services and expanding them to Bougainville’s rural areas is a challenging endeavor. While the Autonomous Region of Bougainville aims for readiness for independence by 2027, many dedicated civil servants are persistently working to bring governance closer to the people.

East New Britain has a rich history of leaders advocating for control over local resources and governance. The Mataungan Association, active in the late 1960s and early 1970s, contested colonial regulations affecting agriculture and land. In the late 1990s, there were serious discussions about potential secession.

The formation of a group seeking special autonomy in East New Britain in 2001 arose from dissatisfaction with the 1995 OLPGLLG, which had centralized power in the national government. This committee remains active, focusing on securing financial, administrative, and political autonomy for the province, while also assisting Local Level Governments (LLGs) in understanding and executing their responsibilities.

Support for ENB’s special autonomy is strong in Rabaul and Kokopo, prominent areas primarily populated by the Gunantuna, or Tolai people. However, reservations exist in more remote areas where access to services diminishes, and various Indigenous groups are less unified compared to Bougainvilleans. A nonagenarian from the Mengen community in Pomio District noted that East New Britain lacks significant economic benefit because of local resource-sharing disparities.

Many residents feel that the ENB government operates primarily for the benefit of the Tolai, leading to perceptions of inequality among other groups. Communities in both districts, characterized by rural landscapes and limited government services, have contemplated forming a separate Central New Britain Province.

In summary, while special autonomy is a widely supported concept in certain regions of Papua New Guinea, its interpretations diverge significantly between Bougainville and East New Britain. In Bougainville, autonomy has been viewed as a step towards independence following a tumultuous history with PNG, while in ENB, the existing relationship with PNG has generally been accepted, although contentions over resource control persist between various levels of government.

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