Discussions surrounding decentralization have been fundamental to the political landscape of Papua New Guinea (PNG) since its pre-independence days. The centralized governance model established during Australian colonial rule led to the formation of provinces in PNG, significantly influenced by the leaders of Bougainville, who had long-standing doubts about their inclusion in PNG, even before the establishment of the Panguna mine.
Since the provinces were established in 1976, there have been numerous legal changes regarding their operation, the most significant being the Organic Law on Provincial Governments and Local Level Governments (OLPGLLG) enacted in 1995. The concept of “special autonomy” has gained traction since then, yet its implications and how it will be executed for urban, rural, and village populations in PNG remain largely undefined. Nonetheless, leaders from provinces like East New Britain, Enga, and New Ireland continue to strive for this status, with Bougainville achieving it through a peace agreement in 2001.
Recently, during fieldwork for my PhD, I explored the concept of special autonomy in Bougainville and East New Britain. The Bougainville Peace Agreement (BPA) encompasses three key aspects: autonomy, disarmament, and a referendum. The autonomy granted the region a locally crafted constitution and endowed its parliament with rights and powers that would expand over time. These pillars are generally perceived as steps toward independence, helping explain the overwhelming support for independence in the 2019 referendum, where 98.31 percent rejected the alternative of greater autonomy.
Bougainville, officially known as the Autonomous Region of Bougainville, has held a unique status within PNG since autonomy was granted in 2005. Although most weapons have been surrendered and destroyed, some remain hidden, leading to frustration among locals regarding the delay in initiating the referendum—a process they view as essential.
While there is broad support for autonomy and independence throughout Bougainville, many residents express dissatisfaction with the current state of special autonomy. Areas like the Konnou Constituency in South Bougainville are still awaiting the benefits of government initiatives and services. One local remarked that the essence of autonomy has yet to be fully realized. A nearby chief compared autonomy to a newborn whose beauty has not yet been revealed, emphasizing a prevailing sentiment of unfulfilled potential and frustration with the slow bureaucratic processes.
In East New Britain, the quest for resource control and self-governance features a lengthy history, with movements dating back to the late 1960s challenging colonial restrictions. The desire for special autonomy in this province emerged from dissatisfaction with national governance reforms that diminished provincial powers. While the initiative is still active, it now aims to secure political, financial, and administrative autonomy.
Support for special autonomy is robust in urban areas like Rabaul and Kokopo, primarily inhabited by the Gunantuna, or Tolai people. However, in more remote areas, reservations exist regarding autonomy. Residents in less serviced regions feel marginalized, seeing the provincial government as favoring the interests of Tolai citizens. Some believe the distribution of local resources fails to benefit broader communities, with many suggesting that the government operates in a manner that is one-sided.
In summary, while the notion of special autonomy is viewed positively in specific provinces of Papua New Guinea, it carries vastly different interpretations in Bougainville and East New Britain. In Bougainville, autonomy serves as a temporary measure toward independence following a tumultuous history, while in East New Britain, the acceptance of the relationship with PNG brings to light ongoing disputes concerning resource control among various governance levels.