Discussions about decentralization have played a significant role in Papua New Guinea (PNG) politics since the country’s pre-independence era. The Australian colonial administration established PNG’s provinces in response to concerns raised by Bougainville’s leaders regarding their integration into PNG, concerns that preceded the establishment of the Panguna mine.
Since the establishment of provincial laws in 1976, numerous laws concerning provincial governance have been passed, amended, or repealed, notably with the introduction of the Organic Law on Provincial Governments and Local Level Governments in 1995. The concept of “special autonomy” has gained traction since then, yet its implications for residents across PNG—those in cities, towns, and rural areas—remain largely unexplored. Despite this ambiguity, leaders from East New Britain, Enga, and New Ireland continue to seek special autonomy, a status granted to Bougainville as part of a peace agreement in 2001.
During a recent visit to Bougainville and East New Britain for my Ph.D. research, I sought to understand what special autonomy signifies for local leaders and residents. The Bougainville Peace Agreement (BPA) is built on three foundational pillars: autonomy, weapons disposal, and the conducting of a referendum. The autonomy granted enables the creation of a Bougainville Constitution and gradually expands the powers of the province’s parliament. Many view these pillars as steps toward independence, which could explain the overwhelming support for independence in the 2019 referendum, where 98.31 percent of voters favored this direction over the option of increased autonomy.
With two of these pillars largely accomplished—most weapons disposed of and the autonomy structured via the Bougainville Constitution—there is growing frustration regarding the slow pace of the national government’s action on the referendum, which is perceived as a critical unmet promise.
In Bougainville, while there is general support for further autonomy and independence, many residents express dissatisfaction with the current state of special autonomy. Rural areas like Konnou Constituency in South Bougainville face delays in receiving government services. One local voiced that the promises of autonomy haven’t translated into tangible benefits, saying, “Regarding autonomy, I think we are just going according to the name only.”
In a nearby village, a chief compared autonomy to a newborn baby whose beauty has yet to be realized, remarking, “We just plant, harvest, eat, wait to die.” Civil servants in the provincial capital Buka, along with some former combatants aspiring to leadership roles, agree that the implementation of the autonomy promised by the BPA is hampered by bureaucratic delays and a lack of urgency from national leaders.
The journey to consolidate autonomy has been gradual, complicated by the need to draft new regulations, create new departments, and establish relevant policies. The timeline for achieving readiness for independence by the targeted year of 2027 remains unclear, although dedicated civil servants continue their efforts to advance governmental presence in the region.
Similarly, East New Britain has a history of vocal leaders advocating for local governance and resource management. The Mataungan Association, active in the late 1960s and early 1970s, challenged colonial agricultural and land regulations, while discussions of secession emerged in the 1980s and 1990s. The push for special autonomy began in 2001 due to widespread dissatisfaction with a 1995 overhaul, which transferred significant powers from provincial to national governance.
Currently, the movement for special autonomy in East New Britain is ongoing, focusing on achieving financial, administrative, and political independence while also aiding Local Level Governments in understanding their powers and promoting effective governance.
Support for special autonomy is notably strong in the towns of Rabaul and Kokopo, primarily among the Tolai people. However, as one moves further from these urban centers, support for autonomy becomes hesitant, often due to a perception that local governments overly favor Tolai interests, leading some Indigenous groups to feel marginalized. Statements made by residents reflect these sentiments, with a nonagenarian in Pomio District indicating that the absence of mining opportunities is attributed to poor sharing practices among the Tolai, while another community member criticized regional governance as one-sided.
As discussions about decentralization unfold in Papua New Guinea, the interpretations of special autonomy differ considerably between Bougainville and East New Britain. For Bougainvilleans, autonomy is viewed primarily as a path to independence, while in East New Britain, the focus is on resolving conflicts over resource control and provincial governance, highlighting the complexities that still exist within the region’s governance landscape.