Discussions surrounding decentralization have been a significant aspect of the political landscape in Papua New Guinea (PNG) since its pre-independence era.
The centralized system set by Australian colonial governance led to the formation of PNG’s provinces, an initiative led by Bougainville leaders who had their reservations about being part of PNG, even before the establishment of the Panguna mine.
Since the introduction of provincial governance laws in 1976, there have been numerous amendments and repeals, particularly with the significant Organic Law on Provincial Governments and Local Level Governments (OLPGLLG) enacted in 1995. The concept of “special autonomy” has gained traction, yet its implications and potential realization for communities in cities, towns, and villages throughout PNG remain largely unexplored. Despite this lack of clarity, leaders from East New Britain, Enga, and New Ireland persist in their pursuit of this status, while Bougainville secured it as part of a peace agreement in 2001.
Recently, I visited Bougainville and East New Britain for my PhD research to understand the true meaning of special autonomy for local leaders and residents.
The Bougainville Peace Agreement (BPA) rests on three fundamental pillars: autonomy, weapons disposal, and a referendum. Autonomy facilitated the creation of a Bougainville Constitution and conferred increasing rights and powers to the province’s parliament over time. These pillars are largely viewed as steps towards independence, rather than a permanent situation. This perception partially explains the overwhelming support for independence in the 2019 referendum, where 98.31% voted for it, rejecting the alternative of greater autonomy.
With the initial two pillars fulfilled, the focus shifts to the vital third step. Officially recognized as the Autonomous Region of Bougainville (ARoB), the former province has enjoyed special status within PNG and its Constitution since autonomy was established in 2005.
Most weapons have been surrendered and destroyed, although there is a belief that some are still concealed. Many locals are puzzled by the national government’s delay in advancing towards a referendum, viewing this as a fundamental issue that should not be up for negotiation.
While support for autonomy and potential independence is widespread in Bougainville, there is a notable dissatisfaction with the current state of special autonomy. The rural Konnou Constituency in South Bougainville, in particular, suffers from limited government services. One local expressed their views on the situation: “Regarding autonomy, I think we are just going according to the name only, but we have not truly experienced it yet.”
In another village, a chief described autonomy as akin to a newborn whose beauty has yet to be revealed, lamenting, “We just plant, harvest, eat, wait to die.”
Civil servants in Buka, the provincial capital, along with at least one presidential hopeful who is a former combatant, acknowledged the complexities in executing autonomy as promised by the BPA. This process has been hindered by red tape and a perceived intentional slowdown by national politicians.
Transferring powers from Port Moresby to Buka as part of autonomy implementation is a gradual undertaking. The Sharp Agreement has expedited some aspects, but challenges remain in crafting necessary legislation, staffing departments, and creating policies. The process of translating legal frameworks into practical services, particularly in remote rural regions, is a daunting task. There are concerns about whether ARoB will be prepared for independence by the targeted year of 2027, though numerous dedicated civil servants within the ABG are actively working towards this goal.
East New Britain has a history of vocal leaders advocating for local resource control and governance. The Mataungan Association, which emerged in the late 1960s and early 1970s, challenged colonial regulations over land and agriculture, while discussions about secession gained traction in the following decades.
The establishment of a committee striving for special autonomy in East New Britain in 2001 arose from dissatisfaction with the 1995 OLPGLLG, which shifted powers from provincial to national levels. While this committee remains active, it has evolved to focus on achieving administrative, financial, and political autonomy, empowering Local Level Governments (LLGs) to understand their roles and enact relevant by-laws.
Support for special autonomy is robust in urban centers like Rabaul and Kokopo, predominantly inhabited by the Gunantuna people, known as Tolai. However, in the more rural areas of the province, support is often accompanied by skepticism. Services are scarce in these regions, and the numerous Indigenous groups of ENB lack unity compared to Bougainvilleans.
A conversation with a nonagenarian Mengen man in Pomio District highlighted these disparities, as he stated, “East New Britain does not have meaning because Tolais don’t share well.” Another resident from the North Baining area criticized provincial governance as “one-sided.”
Many citizens echoed similar sentiments, perceiving ENB’s government as favoring Tolai interests, thereby shaping special autonomy as a project primarily for them. Residents from various districts feel marginalized in their own province, witnessing resource revenues from timber, fish, coconut, cacao, and palm oil flow to Kokopo and then on to Port Moresby, with little returning to their communities. This dissatisfaction has spurred discussions about breaking away from ENB to create a Central New Britain Province.
In summary, while the idea of special autonomy as a means of decentralization resonates in certain PNG provinces, it carries divergent meanings for Bougainville and East New Britain. In Bougainville, autonomy serves as a transitional phase toward much-awaited independence following years of turmoil. Conversely, East New Britain’s relationship with PNG is mostly accepted, though debates on resource control persist and are unlikely to be resolved solely through devolving powers to the provincial level.